On April 10, China’s Ministry of Civil Affairs (MCA) released a list of names of 23 mountain passes, peaks, rivers and settlements in Chinese characters, Tibetan script and pinyin, with precise GPS coordinates. The problem was that all these sites were in Arunachal Pradesh, an Indian state. A sharp rebuttal followed from New Delhi on April 12 with the spokesperson of the Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MEA). describing the move as “malicious attempt » and a “baseless narrative”.
This is the sixth time the Chinese MCA has published these names, which will be rejected by India.
For Beijing, there is a strategic logic to these regular actions aimed at maintaining Chinese claims to Indian territory. Although few people in New Delhi seem to believe that China would use force in Arunachal Pradesh, such regular assertions keep the waters boiling, even Sino-Indian relations have entered a phase of tactical conflict avoidance.
While this could be interpreted as part of China’s strategy to put India on the defensive and make Arunachal or Zangnan (southern Tibet), as Beijing calls it, an official item on the agenda for future border negotiations between the two nations, it could also be an attempt by China to consolidate its authority over Tibet and deal with uncertainties associated with the issue of the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation..
Tawang is home to the famous Tawang Monastery, which has deep significance for Tibetan Buddhism and is a symbolic center of resistance to Chinese authority. This second-largest monastery in Tibetan Buddhism acquired deep political symbolism when the 14th Dalai Lama fled Tibet and sought refuge there in 1959. Renouncing its claims to the region could therefore put China on the back foot, a diplomatic position that Beijing would not want to accept as part of its assertive foreign policy.
New Delhi’s strategy, by contrast, has strengthened, particularly since the Doklam standoff, combining a series of tough security measures and soft measures to develop the region and integrate its land and population. I witnessed this during a recent field visit to Arunachal Pradesh this month.
Tawang, located along the Line of Actual Control, the informal Sino-Indian border, was used by Chinese forces to advance into Indian territory during the Sino-Indian War of 1962. Since then, for India, it has served as a first line of defense area against China, allowing Indian forces to monitor cross-border movements, particularly near the Bumla Pass. Although it seems simple enough, a drive through the high altitude snow-covered mountain passes like Bumla and Sela highlights the arduous task of the security forces guarding the territory. Roads, especially around border areas, require greater investment and repair. The Border Roads Organization (BRO), a prime statutory body under India’s Ministry of Defence, whose mandate is to develop and maintain critical road networks, bridges, tunnels and airfields in the border areas, needs to do a better job of building and maintaining such crucial border infrastructure, especially when its budget has seen a decline. constant increase over the years.
India has undertaken mmassive infrastructure construction projects in recent years, with three main objectives: strengthening border defense; improve its capacity for rapid troop mobility in all weather; and develop the region to make it an integral part of the country, tourist. India spends more than 400 billion Indian rupees (about $4.16 billion) on road, tunnel and connectivity projects as part of its accelerated development of the region’s strategic infrastructure. In March 2024, the Sela Tunnel, which is the longest two-lane high-altitude road tunnel in the world, built at 13,000 feet, was opened. Built at a cost of $100 million, it provides year-round access to Tawang by bypassing the Sela Pass, which is subject to heavy snowfall. This means easier troop logistics. Arunachal also has received 49 billion rupees (about $510 million) under New Delhi’s Pride of Hills program to address critical infrastructure and development gaps.
Dual-purpose projects like this, for military and civilian use, have contributed to the influx of tourists to popular destinations like Tawang, Dirang and Bomdila, but also new places like Mago and Chuna. There are thriving Buddhist monasteries in each of these places. The tourists who flock to these monasteries help India maintain its claim to be the premier flag bearer of the religion. The competition between India and China is not simply territorial but also cultural and civilizational. By housing Buddhist monasteries and the Dalai Lama, India intends to use its soft power potential.
India is also implementing the Vibrant Village Program (VVP), in 150 villages of Tawangto transform them into tourist attractions, bringing local markets and home stays to life. As a result, the domestic and foreign tourism footprint in Tawang has increased significantly over the past decade. Tawang tourists not only get a glimpse of the magnificence of the mountainous terrain but can also visit the Jaswant Garh War Memorial and Tawang War Memorial. The latter has a stupa (Buddhist shrine) built to commemorate the Indian soldiers who sacrificed their lives during the 1962 war. India suffered a setback in the war, but the aim is to remind visitors of the valor of its troops as well as the breach of trust of the Chinese who fought an illegal war, thereby continuing to shape the narrative and collective psyche against a revisionist power.
All this seems to have generated a wave of heightened expectations among the local population of Arunachali. I have spoken to a number of people about various walks of life. Although their allegiance to India remains despite Chinese claims and challenges, they hope to have more jobs, industries, inclusion and economic opportunities thanks to New Delhi’s growing footprint.
In the face of Chinese irredentist claims over Arunachal, New Delhi has attempted to transform a geopolitically sensitive border into a living, breathing part of the Indian nation. The challenge now is to maintain this momentum, ensuring that the promise of development translates into lasting opportunities for the communities whose daily lives provide the most compelling argument against Beijing’s claims.