In the first months of his second term, US President Donald Trump did not waste time asserting his “America First” combative vision of international policy – that which rejects alliances, dismantles institutions and replaces diplomacy with coercion. A good representation of this change is the almost total Disassembly of the American Agency for International Development (USAID). This federal agency has provided humanitarian aid and assistance in many developing countries for decades. And, no less important, it was a cornerstone of influence and soft power since the Cold War. While previous – republican and democratic administrations – considered foreign aid as a tool for strategic influence and humanitarian engagement, Trump considers it an unnecessary subsidy to the ungrateful nations.
Trump’s first approach to America is characterized by an open hostility towards allies and traditional institutions, in a much more pronounced way than during his first mandate. A few weeks to a few weeks, Trump removed the United States World Health Organization and (still) Paris AgreementThe most important agreement on the fight against climate change. He imposed Ever higher prices on allies and the opponents. His approach is not simply transactional-it is deliberately antagonistic, a style of intimidation diplomacy which exploits the economy and military of the United States while burning the standards which once underpinned the international post-war order and the United States, on the front line, contributed to construction.
Ironically, Trump’s approach in international relations is to play the game of his main enemy proclaimed: Xi Jinping China. For years, Beijing has been accused of using “net power” – A mixture of economic coercion, diplomatic pressure and information control – to undermine Western influence and reform international order in a way that is better for Chinese interests. Under Trump, the United States no longer seems to resist the idea of a new world order. Instead, its administration adopts China’s approach to international affairs.
As shown in the confrontation that took place in the oval office With Ukrainian President Volodymyr ZelenskyyTrump’s world vision aligns more closely with the authoritarian pragmatism of XI than on the liberal internationalism of its predecessors. The two leaders consider global governance as a zero -sum game. The two are not interested in moral values but by practical gains. The two shamelessly use the power of the state to guarantee a strategic advantage. And the two seek to fold the small nations to their will – not by persuasion or partnership, but by the lever effect and intimidation.
Different objectives, same result
Does this convergence of strategic logic raises a disturbing question: the United States, under Trump, involuntarily do Beijing’s ideological work? By digging institutions like USAID and undergoing the legitimacy of alliances, Trump weakens the very system that has supported American influence for many years in the world and distinguishes the West from authoritarian challengers. It validates the Chinese argument that liberalism is declining, that democracy is ineffective and that power is the only real currency of global policy.
While Xi projects a vision of order anchored in sovereignty and development without democracy, Trump offers chaos wrapped in nationalism. And yet, the two speak the same language of domination. By rejecting the post -war consensus, Trump can open the way to a world that looks much more like the vision of Beijing than Washington – at least in Washington that we have known so far.
Although Trump and Xi pursue separate objectives, their actions converge on the same result: reshaping the international order. Under Trump, the United States has regularly undermined multilateralism, withdrawing or weakening the main international institutions such as the United Nations, NATO and the Paris Agreement, in favor of unilateral or bilateral approaches. This retirement creates a space for Xi China, which has externally defended multilateral institutions while subtly reshaping its standards to better align with Chinese strategic interests.
By selective membership of the rules – like those of World Trade Organization – and by establishing parallel structures such as the investment bank in Asian infrastructure (AIIB) – strictly linked to the Xi Jinping signature initiative, the Belt and Road initiative (BRI) – China has gradually recalibrated global economic standards in its favor. The same goes for the United Nations for the United Nations, where China approach Includes the implementation of its citizens in key management positions, the increase in staff allocation and the strengthening of financial contributions not well managed to multilateral institutions.
Soft power change
While he East Indeed the case that Asset East stimulating multilateralism, he East also important to recognize that he East eroding WE soft power worldwide. This gentle power was fundamental for the domination of the United States and the creation of the World Order led by the United States. It was also a significant comparative advantage in competition with a rising China for which will be the main superpower of the century.
In his first mandate – as noted By Joseph Nye, the person who invented the term “soft power” – Trump had eroded the soft power, who was already faced with a longer term drop. The Biden administration was, at least in part, capable of recovering this by putting a lot of emphasis on the need to protect democracy and alliances.
During the same period, a mixture of geopolitical and geo-economic developments caused a significant setback in the image of China among Western developed economies. An important factor was China that returns with Russia after Vladimir Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine and thus bringing war back to Europe. This prompted Europe to adopt a much more critical approach to China. Other crucial components have been the growing techno-scientific influence of Beijing, which has pushed Europe and, in particular, the United States to adopt a “confinement policy” towards China to maintain technological, economic and military superiority. At the same time, the overcapacity of China has also put stress on European and American markets and industries, causing additional tension with Beijing. All these elements have contributed considerably to the reduction of China soft power, at least in the Western world, after many years during which Beijing was increasingly interconnected and anchored in Western economic, political and cultural life.
But now, while Trump’s second term is much more aggressive than the first, the American soft power could experience an irreversible decline, leaving a certain space for a rebound in the China soft power.
The brusque USAID dismantling has interrupted essential humanitarian projects, health care initiatives, vaccination campaigns and educational programs, directly harming vulnerable populations in the world. This void offers Beijing an important opportunity to extend its influence thanks to world health diplomacy, especially in the Global South and Africa. China has increasingly positioned itself as a reliable health partner, providing medical aid, vaccines and health infrastructure to developing countries. In Africa, the in -depth supply of medical supplies by China, Training of local health workersAnd the deployment of medical teams has deepened the diplomatic links of Beijing and strengthened its image as a pragmatic and reliable ally.
The same goes for Trump’s cuts to Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, which were well received Through the Global Times, a tabloid led by the Chinese Communist Party, reflecting the geopolitical advantage, Beijing wins while the United States withdraws from its traditional soft power roles. These cuts considerably decrease the American capacity to counter China’s accounts, especially in the regions where Beijing seeks to project influence without Western interference. The own broadcasting and international media platforms of China, such as CGTN and Xinhua, are now faced with competition below the formation of global perceptions, in particular Around the world in development and Africawhere the American media previously offered alternative views. Erosion of awareness of American media allows Beijing to promote its state -centered accounts more effectively, strengthening the image of China as a reliable partner and decreasing the resonance of criticism of human rights violations or authoritarian governance.
Thus, the disengagement of Trump involuntarily empowered Beijing, allowing it to further extend its influence within existing institutions while simultaneously promoting its alternative vision of multilateralism in the midst of an increasingly vulnerable international system.