Zhanar Sekerbayeva, co -founder of the feminist organization based in Kazakhstan, Feminita, was decree February 28. A few days later, on March 3, another feminist activist, Aktorgyn Akkenzhebalasy was detained. Both were accused of having participated in a peaceful demonstration in 2024 demanding a perpetuity imprisonment for the former Minister of the Economy Kuandyk Bishimbayev, who brutally murdered his wife Saltanat Nukenova and was sentenced to 24 -year prison sentence. Their arrests highlight the continuous abolition of feminist activism in Kazakhstan, where the authorities frequently hinder efforts to solve gender problems.
Feminist activism in Kazakhstan faces systemic barriers of both akimats (local governments) and society. On March 8, a symbolic day for gender equality movements in the world, became a discord in Kazakhstan. The first feminist march, organized by Kazfem on March 8, 2017, sought to draw attention to questions such as domestic violence, the kidnapping of the bride (Alp Kashu) and economic inequalities. He marked the start of a continuous struggle for the country’s feminist community.
Many feminist groups in Kazakhstan, including Feminita, 8Marchz, Kazfem, Femastana and Fempoint, operate without official recording, a status that worsens their vulnerability to the abolition of the government. Feminita, for example, has requested official recognition three times since 2017, only to be refused each time. Then in February 2025, Sekerbayeva was sentenced to a fine To direct an unregistered organization, highlighting the paradoxical repression of groups unable to operate legally.
In addition to these legal obstacles, feminist demonstrations are frequently disturbed by local authorities. Akimats often justify prohibitions for protest on waves security problems, despite no documented cases of feminist demonstrations disturbing public order. In addition, law enforcement officials Monitor the social media activity of activists And issue threats of intervention by special police forces (OMON).
While feminist demonstrations are faced with significant restrictions, certain groups favored by the government advocating the selective rights of women have been given easier access to public demonstrations. In 2024, Bibinur Sheralieva, leader of the social house Rahym and member of the Amanat party in power, was authorized to protest After a single application to Akimat. On the other hand, March 8 did 20 unsuccessful attempts To guarantee a permit. The demonstration of Sheralieva, ostensibly on gender issues, also included messages on credit debt and a disorganized stage performance. At one point, Dilnara Isenova, a participant, went on stage with a wolf pelt on her shoulder and started dancing. The bizarre performance, which seemed disconnected from the declared objective of the demonstration, raised questions about its true intention.
Feminist activism also meets an opposition from anti-feminist movements. “Kazakhstan’s Union of Parents”, a group also known to spread disinformation Regarding vaccination during the COVVI-19 pandemic, actively opposed sexual equality initiatives. The organization put pressure against the law on the fight against domestic violence in 2019 and then resisted the law of 2024 on women’s rights and children’s security, which criminalized domestic violence. In February 2025, group members, led by Bagila Baltabayeva, forced their way in a hotel Where Feminita managed a human rights training event, accusing the organization of “raping the law”.
Rinat Zaitov, member of the Mazhilis (the lower room of the Parliament), expressed a will To classify feminitis as an extremist organization, calling it “a disgusting organization that quickly led our young people to depravity”. This hostility towards feminitis stems not only from anti-feminist feeling but also homophobia. The two organizers of the movement, Gulzada Serzhan and Zhanar Sekerbayeva, are openly queer. The movement recommends the rights of women, regardless of age, race and sexual orientation, the latter particularly causing the backlash in the socially conservative environment of Kazakhstan.
This broader resistance to femininity and feminist activism is part of a broader reactionary decline against feminist initiatives in Kazakhstan, where dominant societal standards often hinder the progress of gender equality. The delay in the adoption of stronger legal protections for women in Kazakhstan illustrates this resistance – domestic violence was decriminalized in 2017 and reinstated only as a crime in April 2024 after the indignation of the public in the face of the murder of Nukenova. Lawyer Zhanna Urazbakhova, who represented Nukenova’s family, critical The new law so as not to explicitly define domestic violence and the lack of preventive measures.
In particular, the authorities have not only suppressed feminist activism, but also to target individual leaders. Dinara Smailova, head of the “Ne Molchi” foundation, who provides legal and psychological support for victims of violence, is currently looking for asylum in Europe after being placed on a List sought by the provincial authorities of Kazakhstan. The accused of fraud, Smailva and his supporters allege that the case is politically motivated, the police put pressure on the donors to make complaints against her. Human Rights Watch called for a impartial investigation into the case.
Despite systemic repression, the Kazakhstan feminist movement continues to have an impact. Groups of activists use various strategies, from legal aid to the basis of digital advocacy. In December 2023, Ne Molchi helped Senir 239 offenders and helped more than 35,000 victims of violence. Feminita organizes training sessions and women’s rights conferences, while Batyrjamal, an independent media platform, engages in online feminist discourse. Protests, despite the government’s opposition, remain an essential tool to raise awareness and demand change.
Kazakhstan feminist activists persist despite a formidable resistance of state and anti-feminist groups. Their resilience reflects the fight continues for gender equality in the country. A significant change depends not only on their perseverance, but also on the support they receive in and beyond Kazakhstan. Although the struggle for women’s rights is far from over, each act of advocacy strengthens the movement, gradually pushing society towards justice and equality.